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News Release
MPs Have Cause to Fire Federal Ethics
Commissioner
Ethics
Commissioner's Very Weak Enforcement Means Ethics Rules Do Not Apply to
99% of Actions of Federal Politicians, Cabinet Staff and Appointees,
and They Only Have 1% Chance of Being Caught
Friday, October 15, 2010
OTTAWA - Today, Democracy Watch criticized the federal Ethics
Commissioner for failing to enforce the Conflict of Interest Act
and MPs Code
effectively. In Democracy Watch's opinion, MPs have cause to fire
the Ethics Commissioner.
Like former federal ethics commissioners Bernard Shapiro and Howard
Wilson, Ethics Commissioner Mary Dawson has in many cases refused
to investigate clear violations of ethics rules, or let Cabinet
ministers and others off the hook when all evidence points to a
conclusion that they have violated the rules.
Because of the Ethics Commissioner's rulings and weak enforcement, and loopholes in the Act and Code, federal ethics rules do not
apply to 99% of the actions of federal politicians, Cabinet staff,
Cabinet appointees (including senior government officials), and there
is only a 1% chance of anyone getting caught violating the rules.
In Democracy Watch's opinion, the Ethics Commissioner has
actually violated the Act
(section 25(1)) by failing
to require public disclosure every time a
public office holder removes himself/herself from a decision-making
process because of a conflict of interest (the Ethics Commissioner has
instead created a secret process that is not mentioned in the Act that she calls "conflict of
interest screens" through which office holders secretly remove
themselves from decision-making processes).
"Because of the Ethics
Commissioner's weak rulings and loopholes, federal ethics rules for
politicians and Cabinet staff and appointees only apply when they are
handing out contracts to themselves, their family members or
friends. Otherwise, they can do whatever they want," said
Duff Conacher, Coordinator of Democracy Watch. "MPs have cause to fire the Ethics
Commissioner and until they replace her with someone who will do their
job properly, federal ethics rules will not be enforced."
"The Supreme Court of Canada
warned in a 1996 ruling that if key ethics and
good
government rules are not strictly and strongly enforced the government
will not function democratically, but unfortunately the federal Ethics
Commissioner continues to ignore that warning just like
past commissioners did," said Conacher. "Incredibly,
the laws against illegal parking across Canada are more strictly and
strongly enforced than key federal government ethics rules."
The Ethics Commissioner has let more than 20 Conservative
Cabinet ministers and MPs off
the hook for very questionable technical reasons even when they have
been involved
in highly questionable actions.
"The federal ethics
commissioner told the Oliphant
Commission in June 2009 that she
doesn't do audits to ensure that politicians, political staff, Cabinet
appointees and lobbyists are obeying the law, and that's as ineffective
as
police failing to patrol the streets or Revenue Canada failing to audit
tax filings," said Duff
Conacher, Coordinator of Democracy Watch. "In addition, the ethics commissioner has
taken too long or refused to rule on complaints, and has let people
involved in
highly questionable situations off
the hook and created loopholes through very questionable enforcement
actions."
"The Ethics
Commissioner's weak enforcement
record must be examined by a Commons committee, and if she cannot
justify her record a new commissioner should be appointed and changes
finally made to ensure future commissioners are required to enforce
government ethics rules effectively," said Conacher.
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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Coordinator of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
dwatch@web.net
Democracy Watch's Government
Ethics Campaign
Democracy Watch's Money in
Politics Campaign
Conflict
of
Interest
and
Ethics
Commissioner
Mary
Dawson's
very
weak
enforcement
record
(NOTE: Democracy
Watch urged the Oliphant
Commission to recommend strengthening the Commissioner's enforcement in
its May 2010
report)
Democracy Watch's opinion is that Commissioner Dawson has not
been
enforcing the Conflict of Interest
Act (Act) and
the Conflict of Interest Code for
Members of
the House of Commons (MPs
Code)
effectively, as follows:
- Commissioner Dawson continues to fail to set out public
interpretation bulletins defining key sections of the Conflict of Interest Act and MPs Code,
even though provincial ethics commissioners and the Senate Ethics
Officer do this regularly (to clarify what lines the sections draw),
and even though Justice Oliphant recommended that Commissioner Dawson
do this in his June 2010 report
-- for example, Commissioner Dawson has failed to define public what
exactly is a matter of "general application" or that affects a "broad
class of persons" (even though when a public office holder acting under
the Act or Code is dealing with such a matter
s/he is completely exempt
from the Act and the Code and cannot be
found in a conflict of
interest no matter how blatantly unethical their actions are (as the
Nigel Wright case shows).
NOTE: in 2004 the Federal Court ruled
(see paras. 41 to 49 of ruling) that former Cabinet minister Sinclair
Stevens could not be found guilty of violating ethics rules because the
rules had not been fully and clearly defined so he didn't know what
specific activities were prohibited;
- Commissioner Dawson does not randomly audit for accuracy
any of the
financial statements she receives and reviews annually from public
office holders that are Cabinet
ministers, political staff, Cabinet appointees (and their spouses and
dependent children) under
sections 22, 25(2)-(4) and 28 of the Act,
and
from
MPs
(and
their
spouses
and
dependent
children)
under
sections
20-24
of
the
MPs Code, even
though these statements
are the key basis for determining whether they are in a conflict of
interest (the Judy Sgro case
in fall 2010 highlighted how the Commissioner's negligence lets MPs
off-the-hook, especially given that the Commissioner has not
investigated Sgro re: violating the MPs
Code);
- Commissioner Dawson does not randomly audit the activities
of any public office holder or their families even though she is the
sole enforcer of rules that prohibit public office holders from: taking
part in decisions in which they are in a conflict of interest (section
6 of the Act); giving
preferential treatment (section 7); using insider information or their
influence to further their own or their relatives, friends or others
interests (section 8 and 9); make decisions when influenced by an offer
of outside employment (section 10); accept gifts that could influence
them (section 11) including flights on private aircraft (section 12);
receive a benefit from a contract with a government institution
(section 13); employing their family members or other Cabinet ministers
family members (section 14); own or take part in a business or union
(section 15); solicit funds if it would cause a conflict of interest
(section 16);
- Commissioner Dawson does not randomly audit any former
public office
holder's activities, even though she is the sole enforcer of rules that
prohibit them:
forever from taking improper advantage of their former position
(section 33 of
the Act); forever from acting
for anyone involved in any transaction they were
involved in during their former position (subsection 34(1)); forever
from giving
advice to anyone using secret information they obtained while in their
former position (subsection 34(2)), and; for one to two years, working
with, or making
representations on behalf of, any organization they had significant
dealings with during their last year in office, or contacting former
Cabinet minister colleagues (sections 35-38);
- Commissioner Dawson does not randomly audit the activities
of any
MPs, even though she is the sole enforcer of rules that prohibit MPs
from: furthering their own or others' private interests or using their
influence or inside information to do so (sections 8 to 10 of MPs Code); taking part in decisions
in which s/he has a private interest (section 13); accepting gifts (or
their family accepting gifts) that could influence them (section 14 --
including sponsored travel under section 15);
receiving a benefit from a government contract (sections 16 and 18);
owning significant shares in a public corporation that does business
with the federal government (section 17); taking any action to
circumvent these and other prohibitions (section 25);
- Commissioner Dawson has ruled (in the Lisa Raitt complaint
ruling mentioned below) that "private interest" and "conflict of
interest" in the Conflict of
Interest Act only cover specific private financial interests,
even though the Act does not
limit conflicts only to financial matters;
- Commissioner Dawson, in Democracy Watch's opinion, let
Conservative Parliamentary Secretary Rick Dykstra off the hook when she
ruled
on September 7, 2010 that Rogers Inc. did not do a favour that had
financial value for Mr. Dykstra and his
riding association when it rented the
Owner's Box at the Rogers Centre in September 2009 to the association
for a fundraising
event at a rate that is lower than the rental rate for other boxes at
the Centre (even though the Box is only available to people and
organizations who have personal contact with a senior executive at
Rogers) and when it arranged for a pre-baseball game visit with Blue
Jays players on the field for event attendees; the Commissioner's
ruling directly contradicts her own 2008 Guideline
on Gifts (including Invitations, Fundraisers and Business Lunches)
-- (NOTE: despite the Ethics Commissioner's flawed ruling, Democracy
Watch
expects that the Commissioner of Lobbying will find Rogers Inc.
violated Rule 8 of the Lobbyists'
Code of Conduct based on the Rule 8 Guideline)
--
For
details
click here
and click
here;
- Commissioner Dawson, in Democracy Watch's opinion, let
Conservative Cabinet Minister Lisa Raitt off the hook in an incredible ruling
on May 13, 2010 in which the Commissioner stated that she believed
Minister Raitt's claim that she did not know that lobbyist Michael
McSweeney helped her riding association with a fundraising event in
September 2009 (even
though Mr. McSweeney was the brother of Colin McSweeney who worked in
Minister Raitt's office and even though Michael McSweeney's name, email
address and fax number were set out on the invitation to the
fundraising event) -- (NOTE: despite the Ethics Commissioner's flawed
ruling, the Commissioner of Lobbying ruled
in February 2011 that Mr. McSweeney violated Rule 8 of the Lobbyists' Code of Conduct based on
the Rule 8
Guideline) -- For details, click
here;
- Commissioner Dawson, it was revealed in a media report
in
July 2010, failed to properly maintain the public disclosure
statement of Cabinet minister Vic Toews;
- Commissioner Dawson has failed to investigate fully
the situation of possible
preferential treatment given to former Conservative MP Rahim Jaffer by
several Cabinet staff and at least one Cabinet minister, even though
she received a complaint
from Democracy Watch on May 6, 2010 detailing all the publicly
documented instances of possible preferential treatment (she
responded to the complaint by sending a letter dated May 13, 2010 to
the wrong address for Democracy Watch (so Democracy Watch did not
receive it), a letter that stated she was examining the complaint and
considering next actions -- she has not provided a further response,
even though she testified
on October 5, 2010 that she "always" responds to every complaint she
receives with a full explanation of what she is or is not doing) --
Commissioner Dawson's failure to investigate everyone involved with
Rahim Jaffer contradicts her decision to launch an investigation
in July 2010 only of Cabinet minister Christian Paradis' role in the
situation (in response to a complaint
filed in June 2010 by Liberal MP Marlene Jennings);
- Commissioner Dawson has failed to rule on the June 2010 complaint that Helena Guergis'
furthered her husband Rahim Jaffer's private interest by assisting a
company to which he had links;
- Commissioner Dawson, in Democracy Watch's opinion,
improperly refused to investigate a complaint
filed by Liberal MP Marlene Jennings in June 2010
against Conservative Cabinet Minister Tony Clement because she had, in
secret, approved Minister Clement appearing in a video produced by a
former campaign worker for Minister Clement, a video that promoted a
private business in Minister Clement's riding -- Commissioner Dawson
has refused to make public why she thinks such actions by a Cabinet
minister do not constitute improperly furthering the private interests
of a friend or person or organization (which is clearly prohibited
under the Act);
- Commissioner Dawson did not require Cabinet minister Helena
Guergis or Cabinet minister Gail
Shea
(and likely other ministers, Cabinet staff and senior appointed
government officials) to put recusal statements on their public registration
even though ministers are
required to do so when in a conflict of interest under section 21 and
subsection 25(1) of the Act
and even though the
Commissioner is empowered to order recusals under section 30 of the Act (For some details, listen to CBC
Radio's The Current Part 1, April 15, 2010)
- Commissioner
Dawson
has
created
a
secret loophole
in the Act's enforcement
regime by arranging with Cabinet ministers and other public office
holders to recuse themselves from issues about which they have a
conflict of interest without them publicly
disclosing the recusal in the online public declaration registry (even
though such disclosure is clearly required
under subsection 25(1) of
the Act -- the Ethics
Commissioner has instead created a secret process that is not mentioned
in the Act (and that, in
Democracy Watch's opinion, is illegal) that she calls
"conflict of interest screens" through which office holders secretly
remove themselves from decision-making processes) -- For some details,
listen to CBC
Radio's The Current Part 1, April 15, 2010);
- Commissioner Dawson refused
on April 12, 2010 (without providing any reasons other than lack of
information) to investigate Prime
Minister Harper's referral to her of allegations concerning unspecified
actions of Cabinet minister Helena Guergis, even though media reports
presented evidence that Ms. Guergis was providing preferential
treatment to her spouse
which, if true, would be a violation of the Act (and even though the
Commissioner is empowered to initiate an investigation on her own, even
if she has not received a complaint -- For
some details, listen to CBC
Radio's The Current Part 1, April 15, 2010);
- Commissioner Dawson refused
on April 8, 2010 (without providing any reasons) to investigate the
complaint about Cabinet minister Helena Guergis receiving an $880,000
mortgage (For some details, listen to CBC
Radio's The Current Part 1, April 15, 2010);
- Commissioner Dawson created a loophole in the Act when she refused in April 2010
to rule on a
complaint about Conservative Cabinet ministers and MPs who handed out
government cheques with Conservative Party logos on them -- she made
the highly questionable claim
("The Cheques Report") that they did not
violate the Act because
political parties are not legal "persons" under the Act and therefore ministers cannot
improperly further the interests of their party, and she also claimed
that handing out government cheques does not amount to furthering your
private interest as an MP (even though doing so helps you get
re-elected, keep your job, and keep on getting the pay and perks of an
MP);
- because she does not conduct any audits, Commissioner
Dawson failed to find out that Cabinet Minister Peter MacKay was on the
board of two companies (in violation
of the Act) until she was
alerted by a newspaper article
in September 2009;
- Commissioner Dawson met off-the-record and behind closed
doors several times with a committee of MPs in spring 2009, and then
applauded when they weakened the MPs
Code -- For details, click
here and click
here;
- Commissioner Dawson's December 2008 ruling
let Finance Minister Jim Flaherty off the hook when his staff
handed out a sole-source contract to a former political colleague in
violation of contracting rules -- she also failed to find his staff
guilty of
violating the Act even though
she is
empowered to do under section 45;
- Commissioner Dawson ruled
in January 2008 that neither
Prime Minister Harper nor any minister or government official was
in a conflict of interest concerning the Brian Mulroney-Karlheinz
Schreiber situation even though some of them were friends of Mr.
Mulroney and the Act
prohibits making decisions that affect the interests of friends;
- Commissioner Dawson decided in her first months as
Commissioner, based on highly technical and questionable reasons that
directly contradict the purpose of the Conflict of Interest Act, that
dozens of public office holders were not covered by the Act.
Changes
needed
to
ensure
ethical
federal
government
decision-making
and
to
ensure
the
Conflict
of
Interest
and Ethics Commissioner enforces rules
effectively
(To see details, click
here)
(NOTE: Democracy Watch urged
the Oliphant Commission to recommend all of the following changes in
its May 2010 report)
- put the old rules back in the Conflict of Interest Act (Act) that
require senior politicians and government officials to "act with
honesty" and "avoid apparent conflicts of interest" and "maintain the
highest ethical standards" and make similar rules in the Conflict of Interest Code for Members of
the House of Commons (MPs Code)
enforceable,
and
extend
the
rules
to
all
political
staff;
- make the Values and
Ethics Code for the Public Service a law, and make it clear that
the Public Sector Integrity Commissioner enforces the Code and require the Commissioner
to conduct random audits;
- close the loophole that allows senior politicians and
government officials to be involved in decisions in which they have a
financial interest (which is currently allowed if the decision is about
a general matter or affects a large number of people);
- close the loophole that exempt part-time Cabinet staff and
advisers from the Conflict of
Interest Act;
- all senior politicians and senior government officials must
be required to sell
major assets that are in
any way likely to cause conflicts of interest (a process known as
"divestment") when they enter
office;
- gifts of
any
kind worth more than $200 combined total annually to anyone in the
federal
government from anyone except relatives must be banned (and gifts of
any kind
worth more than $200 combined total annually from relatives must be
disclosed
to the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner -- NOTE: the Conflict
of
Interest
Act allows unlimited gifts from
"friends" and the MPs' Code allows lobbyists to give
unlimited gifts of travel to MPs);
- require disclosure of all donations
(including the identity of the donor's employer (as in the U.S.) and/
or major affiliations) and loans quarterly and before any election day
(to close the loophole that
currently allows secret, unlimited donations of money, property and
services
to nomination race and election candidates);
- limit loans to the same
levels
as donations;
- limit spending on campaigns for the leadership of
political
parties
- as proposed by the federal Department of Finance (For
details, click
here), and the United Nations
Convention
Against Corruption, anyone with decision-making power in the
government must be placed on the
anti-corruption
watch list of the Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of
Canada
(Fintrac) so deposits to their bank accounts can be tracked;
- ban all senior politicians, staff, appointees and senior
government officials from lobbying (paid or unpaid) for five years for
anyone they had dealings with during their last five years in office
(currently they only have to sit out for one to two years), and ban all
junior politicians, staff, appointees and officials from doing the same
for one to three years depending on their decision-making power, and
require them to report all of their activities to the Ethics
Commissioner;
- ban lobbyists
from becoming members of Cabinet for at least four years
after
they are elected as a federal politician;
- close the loophole MPs
added to their MPs Code in
May 2009 that allows lobbyists to provide unlimited volunteer services
of any
kind in secret to any MP without any conflict of interest being created;
- close the loophole
in the MPs Code that allows them to attempt to further their own,
family members' or friends' private interests;
- ban lobbyists
from becoming members of Cabinet for at least four years
after
they are elected as a federal politician;
- close all the loopholes in the Senate ethics code and
extend it to staff of senators, and make the Senate Ethics Officer independent and require him/her to
conduct regular, random audits of everyone covered by the code;
- opposition party leaders must be given a veto over the
appointment of the federal Ethics Commissioner;
- the Ethics Commissioner must be required to conduct random
audits of everyone covered by the Conflict
of
Interest
Act and the Conflict
of Interest Code for Members of the House of Commons;
- the Ethics Commissioner must be prohibited
from giving secret advice;
- the Ethics Commissioner must be required to investigate all
complaints
(including anonymous complaints and complaints filed by the public);
- the Ethics Commissioner must be empowered to penalize
rule-breakers
with high financial penalties (the current maximum fine for violating
only some rules is $500);
- all decisions of the Ethics Commissioner must be reviewable
by the
courts;
- give
the Commissioner of Elections and the Chief Electoral Officer more
investigative
powers, especially the power to audit the finances and assets of
political
parties, riding associations, and candidates in nomination races and
elections,
and require them to conduct annual audits, and;
- make the MPs Code
a law.
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